The myth in the iron mask
Ned Kelly died on the gallows 125 years ago but remains
on first-name terms with today's Australians. We may,
however, know rather less about our Ned than we might
think, writes Simon Caterson
July 30, 2005
source: theage.com.au
American Novelist E. L. Doctorow writes that "history
is the present. That's why every generation writes
it anew. But what most people think of as history is
its end product, myth." In the case of Ned Kelly,
the historical facts are exceptionally difficult to
disentangle from the folklore.
I can't deny taking Ned personally. For as long as
I can remember, I have felt the force of tragedy in
his story, and there is always a feeling of sadness
in contemplating the end of his short, turbulent, colonial
life.
Others too have claimed to see in Ned's armour an
image of their own ideas and prejudices. Admirers and
detractors alike continue to project themselves onto
his existence, as they did while he was alive.
When he was alive, Kelly was condemned by the mainstream
media, clergy and politicians, yet thousands of supporters
gathered outside the Old Melbourne Gaol on the day
of his execution, and 30,000 signatures were gathered
for a petition that he be spared the death penalty.
Since then, the debate over whether he was a hero or
a villain has been intense.
Some of Ned's attackers share with his idolaters an
extraordinary capacity for hyperbole. In the bestselling
Down Under, visiting American travel writer Bill Bryson
dismisses him out of hand: "The story of Kelly
is easily told. He was a murderous thug who deserved
to be hanged and was." Bryson is unsparing in
his attack on Kelly's character: "Like most bushrangers
he was at pains to present himself as a champion of
the oppressed, though in fact there wasn't a shred
of nobility in his character or his deeds."
Yet those aware that in 1866 Ned saved a young boy
from drowning at Avenel, a deed for which he received
his famous sash, could hardly accept such an assessment,
no matter what else is alleged against him.
Columnist Frank Devine is even more condemnatory.
In 2000, he said Kelly was "the Pol Pot of north-eastern
Victoria", a bizarre analogy given that the Khmer
Rouge leader was responsible for the deaths of about
1.7 million people.
Also fanciful are the attempts to mythologise Ned
as a latter-day Robin Hood. Artefacts associated with
the Kelly outbreak, whether genuine or not, have been
treated as if they were splinters of the true cross.
What passes for Kellyana is often no more than what
could be termed Nedolatry.
Novelist Peter Carey said to a British journalist
that Kelly was a "symbol of national pride and
freedom. He's our Thomas Jefferson." With such
a comparison, Carey is as outlandish as Devine.
Ned's memory is widely appropriated for commercial
as well as cultural purposes. The scene of the Kelly
gang's last stand, Glenrowan, has become a tourist
trap boasting an eight-metre-tall fibreglass "Big
Ned" and an animatronics show that historian Graeme
Davison has described as "as far away, as inconsequential
and yet as seductive as the world of Nintendo and Star
Wars".
Even the most knowledgeable and experienced Kelly
historians have been known to see things that simply
aren't there. The problem was demonstrated in March
2002 when a photograph purporting to be of Ned was
sold at auction by Christie's for almost $20,000.
The undated portrait had been authenticated by two
of the best-known Kelly historians, Ian Jones and Keith
McMenomy. The previous year the picture had been reproduced
in McMenomy's illustrated history of Ned Kelly with
a caption assigning it a significant role in the biographical
narrative.
A subsequent investigation by Age journalist Andrew
Rule revealed that the photograph, though a relic of
the relevant time and place, could not be of Ned Kelly.
The buyer was reimbursed and the identity of the man
in the picture left unresolved. If acknowledged experts
can be fooled so easily, what hope is there for the
rest of us?
The factual record of Ned's life is incomplete. To
begin with, it is not known exactly when or where he
was born. His last words on the scaffold - widely assumed
to be "such is life" - are a matter of attribution,
since it is not clear whether he uttered these or any
other coherent last words.
The journalists sent to cover the execution produced
three different versions - "Such is life", "Ah,
well, I suppose it has come to this", or simply
an audible sigh - but none was corroborated. They may
have been standing too far away to hear anything.
In the narrative between Ned's birth and death, much
takes place that is a matter of rumour, hearsay, conjecture
and informed speculation.
Though compelling, the theory that the siege at Glenrowan
was the start of a campaign to create a republic of
North-Eastern Victoria tantalisingly remains just that,
a theory. Attempts over many decades to track down
documentary evidence in support of the republican struggle
idea so far have proved unsuccessful.
Another source of vagueness is Ned's status as a stereotypical
Irish rebel. He wasn't born in Ireland and never went
there, though a disproportionate number of people with
a key role in the story, whether friend or foe, were
of Irish birth or descent.
It could be that Ned is both more and less Irish than
is generally thought. Ned's circumstances and his responses
were conditioned by Irish cultural and historical factors.
The Irish historian Conor Cruise O'Brien has defined
this state of affairs: "Irishness is not primarily
a question of birth or blood or language: it is a condition
of being involved in the Irish situation, and usually
of being mauled by it."
It is a mental condition recognised in the Irish constitution,
which acknowledges the nation's "special affinity
with people of Irish ancestry living abroad who share
its cultural identity and heritage".
Being Irish is a matter of conscious choice as well
as a question of genes. In one Irish historian's recent
ranking of the 100 most important Irish lives, Ned
was number 95, well below former US president John
Kennedy (4), who was not born in Ireland, but above
Oscar Wilde (97), who was.
He carried with him an Ireland of the mind, but Ned's
life and deeds are also inseparable from the physical
and social reality of the remote region of Victoria
in which he lived. As Sidney Nolan (who, incidentally,
was of Irish descent) put it, Ned was part of "the
great purity and implacability of the Australian landscape".
The geographical dimension to the Kelly story has
been explored in The Kelly Outbreak and Kelly Country
by John McQuilton, a historian who grew up in the district
where it took place. It would be difficult to underestimate
the importance of the sheer physical distance between
the Kelly country and Melbourne as well as that between
colonial Australia and colonising Europe.
The Kelly outbreak originated at the limits of European
settlement and the gang was safest when located beyond
the range of modern technologies such as the telegraph
and the railway.
As another Kelly historian, Alex McDermott, has commented
in relation to Stringybark Creek: "Even visiting
the place today, one is still struck by the solitude
of the shallow gully, its remoteness from the world,
and the eerie wildness that surrounds this bushland."
In an apparent effort to widen its popular appeal,
writers have embellished the life story in personal
ways. In his play Ned Kelly, Douglas Stewart drew upon
known facts, as did Nolan in his paintings, but novelists
Peter Carey and Robert Drewe have sought to fill in
gaps by, for instance, giving Ned an imaginary sex
life. In True History of the Kelly Gang (a
copy of which I recently saw in a Melbourne bookstore
filed under non-fiction) Carey invents a daughter to
whom Ned addresses his testimony. In Our Sunshine,
Drewe has Ned carrying on an affair with a local squatter's
wife.
The recent film adaptation of Drewe's novel provided
a star vehicle for erstwhile celebrity couple Heath
Ledger and Naomi Watts, but the relationship between
their characters is mere Hollywood-style romantic fantasy,
a kind of outback Lady Chatterley's Lover.
We can't be certain where Ned's sexual orientation
lay, and perhaps, in those reticent, pre-Freudian times,
it was a mystery even to him. In any case, Watts' character
has no basis in reality, though at least leading man
Ledger bears a closer physical resemblance to Ned than
Leo McKern, who played the title role in the 1956 Sydney
production of Stewart's play.
Ned's best known piece of writing, the Jerilderie
letter, was not written in his own hand but transcribed
by someone else, probably Joe Byrne, who is said to
have co-written the text.
The "original" letter, which describes the
shoot-out at Stringybark Creek and is an electrifying
plea for justice, remained in private hands until 2001,
when it was donated to the State Library. Its authenticity
is not in dispute, but neither, given the circumstances
of its creation, is its authorship absolutely certain.
Many of the uncontested facts about Ned are themselves
contradictory or inconclusive, which of course accounts
in part for our enduring fascination with him. His
personality enveloped contradictions that account for
his success as a bushranger and also his downfall.
It is readily apparent that Ned committed serious
crimes, but that he was also the victim of injustice.
He took human life, but he also had the capacity to
spare life and even save it.
He bore grudges, but also remembered kindnesses. He
was tough and impulsive, but could also display sensitivity,
even chivalry. He received little formal education
or paternal guidance, but proved remarkably imaginative,
intelligent and articulate.
Ned was at home in the landscape in which he lived,
but also regretted its isolation. He had an enormous
sense of grievance and dreamed of a better life for
his people, who were disadvantaged by property laws
that favoured rich squatters over poor selectors, but
was also, it seems to me, fatalistic to the point of
harbouring a death wish.
The last stand could be interpreted as the kind of
siege that is these days referred as to suicide by
police. Had he wanted to, Ned and his friends might
conceivably have avoided capture indefinitely.
Tragically for Ned, and frustratingly for history,
the best opportunity to set the record straight during
his lifetime was missed. In The Trial of Ned Kelly,
former Chief Justice of Victoria John H. Phillips concludes
that by the standards of the time Ned Kelly did not
receive a fair trial on the charge of murdering Constable
Lonigan at Stringybark Creek: "the conclusion
is inescapable that Edward Kelly was not afforded a
trial according to law. Whether the result would have
been any different had the jury been correctly directed
is, of course, entirely another matter."
According to Phillips, a plea of self-defence was,
in the circumstances and given the evidence presented
in earlier proceedings, at least arguable and it might
well have succeeded at trial if properly submitted.
Even if the trial judge had not been in error, and
the defence counsel had not been less than competent,
Ned may well have been found guilty by the jury, but
at least his version of events would have been fully
presented and tested for the benefit of the court of
history.
The electrifying exchange between Ned and Justice
Redmond Barry after the jury's guilty verdict hints
at how effective it might have been. Best known for
Ned's ominous parting words "I will meet you there
where I go", that brief dialogue contains much
that is illuminating and perplexing about Ned Kelly.
Did Ned really decline to cross-examine the witnesses
himself simply because he thought "it would look
like bravado and flashness" or had some part of
him already accepted that he was doomed? In some ways
Ned was his own worst enemy, but was also the best
advocate he could possibly have had, as confirmed by
the final letters he dictated while waiting in the
condemned cell.
Ned's extraordinary courtroom speech came all too
late to influence the course of events or assist us
now in fully understanding his thoughts and emotions.
When I was studying Irish poetry at university in
Dublin, a professor said that in Ireland, words kill.
Of course they can have that effect anywhere, and
the words Ned casually uttered during the Kelly outbreak
were later used in court by the prosecution to ensure
he would hang.
In the posthumously published Ned Kelly's Last
Days: Setting the Record Straight on the Death of
an Outlaw Alex C. Castles argues that because
he was declared an outlaw, Ned could conceivably
have avoided legal proceedings altogether. By entering
a plea, Castles points out, Ned's legal counsel tacitly
accepted the jurisdiction of the court to judge their
client's fate.
The Kelly gang were declared outlaws who could be
shot on sight, and the police interned a large group
of people on suspicion of being Kelly sympathisers.
Upon his capture Ned's civil rights were reinstated,
but this happened in order so that he might be put
on trial and then swiftly executed. One way or another,
according to Castles, the police and the government
wanted him dead.
Castles' innovative approach to the question of Ned's
actual legal status prompted a furious outburst from
prominent Kelly historian Ian Jones, who says that
Ned Kelly's Last Days is "marked by persistent
vilification of Ned Kelly - unbalanced to the point
of psychosis".
A dispassionate reader can conclude that Castles'
book is carefully researched and rigorously argued,
and manifests a strenuous effort to achieve balance.
At the very least, it carries a timely warning to politicians
and lawmakers today who might too readily sacrifice
our civil liberties in the face of a perceived terrorist
threat.
Referring to the book's subtitle, Jones asserted that "if
that is setting the record straight, then I am the
Ayatollah Khomeini". Such language is not only
disrespectful to the recently deceased author, who
was one of Australia's leading legal historians, but
does nothing to promote the mature discussion of the
Kelly outbreak.
Over a century later, the subject of Ned Kelly still
generates intense heat as well as light. He was a polarising
figure in his lifetime, and even now it is difficult,
perhaps impossible, to view him with detachment.
I can't imagine that if given the opportunity to turn
him in I would have done so. |